Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
Cohesive Societies
Sustainable Security
Other Resource Pages
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
External Podcasts
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National SecurityInstitute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      Cohesive SocietiesSustainable SecurityOther Resource PagesNews ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio ChannelExternal Podcasts
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS

      Get in Touch

    Connect
    Search
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • CO08061 | Ahmadiyahs in Indonesia: Between Sensitivity and Diversity
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • RSIS Commentary Series
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • Future Issues
    • IDSS Papers
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers

    CO08061 | Ahmadiyahs in Indonesia: Between Sensitivity and Diversity
    Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman

    20 May 2008

    download pdf

    Commentary

    The recent controversy over the calls for the banning of the Ahmadiyah sect in Indonesia has triggered opposing reactions. Some have argued this to reflect the growing conservative outlook of Indonesians. While such a view may be naïve, there could be some reason for concern.

    Controversies Surrounding the Ahmadiyyah Sect

    THE AHMADIYAH sect was founded in1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, a preacher from the village of Qadian in Punjab, India. The followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad are commonly known as the Ahmadiyyahs or Qadianis. The main controversy surrounding the Ahmadiyyah is Ghulam Ahmad’s claim that he was the Imam Mahdi (Messiah) whose advent was foretold by Prophet Muhammad and had come to save the world. Later, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad declared himself as a prophet and was denounced by mainstream Muslims as heretical. Other aspects, such as the Ahmadiyyah’s belief that the leadership of the Muslims would transfer to ‘Caliphs’, seen as successors to Ghulam Ahmad, were viewed controversial by mainstream Muslims.

    Upon the death of first successor of Ghulam Ahmad, Hakeem Noor-Ud-Din, the movement split into two. The key issue of contention between the two groups is over the Finality of Prophethood. All Muslims believe that Prophet Muhammad is the seal of all the prophets and no other prophets would come after him. This view is shared by one of the Ahmadiyyah groups commonly known as the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement. They regarded Ghulam Ahmad as a mujaddid, a “reviver” of Islam, and insisted he never claimed prophethood. However most Muslim scholars noted that Ghulam Ahmad did claim prophethood in several of his writings and thus rejected this view. There is little doubt that the Ahmadiyyah beliefs contradicted significantly with traditional Muslim doctrines. As such, it is not surprising that mainstream Muslims do not see the Ahmadiyyahs as being part of the Muslim community.

    Ahmadiyyahs in Pakistan

    Despite being seen as a deviationist movement, the Ahmadiyyahs were never historically prosecuted. In fact, Ahmadiyyahs were prominent leaders of Indian Muslims and many led the movement for the formation of Pakistan. One such leader is Sir Zafarullah Khan, the first foreign minister of Pakistan who was an Ahmadiyyah. The Ahmadiyyahs became the centre of attention after Islamists led by Moulana Abul A’la Maududi, leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami, organized a campaign for the Ahmadiyyahs to be declared as non-Muslims. In his famous book, The Qadiani Problem, Maududi deconstructed the teachings of Ahmadiyyah utilizing sources from Islamic tradition. He made a convincing case that Ahmadiyyahs should be declared as a non-Muslim group. By 1974, the secular government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto enacted laws labelling the Ahmadiyyahs as non-Muslims.

    Following the example of Pakistan, many other Muslim countries decided to declare the Ahmadiyyahs as a non-Muslim group. This meant that the Ahmadiyyahs were often buried in separate burial ground and had to build a separate place of worship. In 1984, following pressures from Muslim fundamentalist groups, the military regime of General Zia ul Haq strengthened the laws of 1974 to ban Ahmadiyyahs or Lahori Ahmadiyyahs from calling themselves Muslims or using terminologies associated with Islam. In 1986, a blasphemy law was enacted whereby a person charged with defiling Prophet Muhammad could be hanged. It is obvious that the laws were targeted at the Ahmadiyyahs.

    Ahmadiyyah in Indonesia

    It is interesting to note that the current developments in Indonesia are similar to that in Pakistan in the 1980s. The Ahmadiyyahs have had a long history in Indonesia. It was believed that they set foot in Indonesia as early as 1930s. Yet, it was not until 1980 that the Indonesian Ulama Coucil (MUI) issued a fatwa (religious decree) declaring the Ahmadiyyah as a deviationist group. Given the authoritarian nature of General Suharto’s regime, MUI could not push for its fatwa to be implemented. In 2005, MUI issued another fatwa reaffirming its earlier fatwa. Since 2007, MUI has worked closely with other Islamic organizations such as the Indonesian Muslim Forum (FUI) to call for the banning of the Ahmadiyyah.

    This time, they are calling for its outright ban. It is likely that with the 2009 presidential elections looming, the Indonesian government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would move to ban the Ahmadiyyah to please Islamist groups preceived to be growing in numbers and strength in recent times. Banning the Ahmadiyyah would also enhance the Islamic image of the Indonesian government amongst some Muslims in Indonesia.

    The Road Ahead

    While many Muslims would agree with the decision to declare Ahmadiyyahs as non-Muslims, a decision to ban the group clearly contravene Islam’s respect for the right of others to practise their religious beliefs. The Pakistani example should act as an important lesson to the Indonesian government. Secular leaders such as Bhutto had thought that allowing the Ahmadiyyah could serve their political end. Yet, he unwittingly unleashed the Islamist tide resulting in calls for the banning of the Shiites and other minority groups. This resulted in the unintended consequence of strengthening the Islamists and radicalising the Pakistani society.

    Similarly in Indonesia, Islamist groups may be using the Ahmadiyyah issue to gain political mileage. It is unlikely that Islamist groups would gain ground or power through democratic means given the low support for Islamist politics. This was manifested by the decision of Islamist parties like the Prosperity Justice Party (PKS) to moderate its Islamic message to remain relevant. As such, they are likely to capitalise on these issues to enhance their image and gain political influence. For the Indonesian government, a ban on the Ahmadiyyah would be setting a precedent. Similar to Pakistan, it is likely that Islamist groups would call for other religious beliefs to be probed for insulting Islam. Such a move would also not be in keeping with Indonesia’s religious diversity.

    About the Author

    Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman is an Associate Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies and a PhD candidate at the Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Southeast Asia and ASEAN

    Commentary

    The recent controversy over the calls for the banning of the Ahmadiyah sect in Indonesia has triggered opposing reactions. Some have argued this to reflect the growing conservative outlook of Indonesians. While such a view may be naïve, there could be some reason for concern.

    Controversies Surrounding the Ahmadiyyah Sect

    THE AHMADIYAH sect was founded in1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, a preacher from the village of Qadian in Punjab, India. The followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad are commonly known as the Ahmadiyyahs or Qadianis. The main controversy surrounding the Ahmadiyyah is Ghulam Ahmad’s claim that he was the Imam Mahdi (Messiah) whose advent was foretold by Prophet Muhammad and had come to save the world. Later, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad declared himself as a prophet and was denounced by mainstream Muslims as heretical. Other aspects, such as the Ahmadiyyah’s belief that the leadership of the Muslims would transfer to ‘Caliphs’, seen as successors to Ghulam Ahmad, were viewed controversial by mainstream Muslims.

    Upon the death of first successor of Ghulam Ahmad, Hakeem Noor-Ud-Din, the movement split into two. The key issue of contention between the two groups is over the Finality of Prophethood. All Muslims believe that Prophet Muhammad is the seal of all the prophets and no other prophets would come after him. This view is shared by one of the Ahmadiyyah groups commonly known as the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement. They regarded Ghulam Ahmad as a mujaddid, a “reviver” of Islam, and insisted he never claimed prophethood. However most Muslim scholars noted that Ghulam Ahmad did claim prophethood in several of his writings and thus rejected this view. There is little doubt that the Ahmadiyyah beliefs contradicted significantly with traditional Muslim doctrines. As such, it is not surprising that mainstream Muslims do not see the Ahmadiyyahs as being part of the Muslim community.

    Ahmadiyyahs in Pakistan

    Despite being seen as a deviationist movement, the Ahmadiyyahs were never historically prosecuted. In fact, Ahmadiyyahs were prominent leaders of Indian Muslims and many led the movement for the formation of Pakistan. One such leader is Sir Zafarullah Khan, the first foreign minister of Pakistan who was an Ahmadiyyah. The Ahmadiyyahs became the centre of attention after Islamists led by Moulana Abul A’la Maududi, leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami, organized a campaign for the Ahmadiyyahs to be declared as non-Muslims. In his famous book, The Qadiani Problem, Maududi deconstructed the teachings of Ahmadiyyah utilizing sources from Islamic tradition. He made a convincing case that Ahmadiyyahs should be declared as a non-Muslim group. By 1974, the secular government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto enacted laws labelling the Ahmadiyyahs as non-Muslims.

    Following the example of Pakistan, many other Muslim countries decided to declare the Ahmadiyyahs as a non-Muslim group. This meant that the Ahmadiyyahs were often buried in separate burial ground and had to build a separate place of worship. In 1984, following pressures from Muslim fundamentalist groups, the military regime of General Zia ul Haq strengthened the laws of 1974 to ban Ahmadiyyahs or Lahori Ahmadiyyahs from calling themselves Muslims or using terminologies associated with Islam. In 1986, a blasphemy law was enacted whereby a person charged with defiling Prophet Muhammad could be hanged. It is obvious that the laws were targeted at the Ahmadiyyahs.

    Ahmadiyyah in Indonesia

    It is interesting to note that the current developments in Indonesia are similar to that in Pakistan in the 1980s. The Ahmadiyyahs have had a long history in Indonesia. It was believed that they set foot in Indonesia as early as 1930s. Yet, it was not until 1980 that the Indonesian Ulama Coucil (MUI) issued a fatwa (religious decree) declaring the Ahmadiyyah as a deviationist group. Given the authoritarian nature of General Suharto’s regime, MUI could not push for its fatwa to be implemented. In 2005, MUI issued another fatwa reaffirming its earlier fatwa. Since 2007, MUI has worked closely with other Islamic organizations such as the Indonesian Muslim Forum (FUI) to call for the banning of the Ahmadiyyah.

    This time, they are calling for its outright ban. It is likely that with the 2009 presidential elections looming, the Indonesian government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would move to ban the Ahmadiyyah to please Islamist groups preceived to be growing in numbers and strength in recent times. Banning the Ahmadiyyah would also enhance the Islamic image of the Indonesian government amongst some Muslims in Indonesia.

    The Road Ahead

    While many Muslims would agree with the decision to declare Ahmadiyyahs as non-Muslims, a decision to ban the group clearly contravene Islam’s respect for the right of others to practise their religious beliefs. The Pakistani example should act as an important lesson to the Indonesian government. Secular leaders such as Bhutto had thought that allowing the Ahmadiyyah could serve their political end. Yet, he unwittingly unleashed the Islamist tide resulting in calls for the banning of the Shiites and other minority groups. This resulted in the unintended consequence of strengthening the Islamists and radicalising the Pakistani society.

    Similarly in Indonesia, Islamist groups may be using the Ahmadiyyah issue to gain political mileage. It is unlikely that Islamist groups would gain ground or power through democratic means given the low support for Islamist politics. This was manifested by the decision of Islamist parties like the Prosperity Justice Party (PKS) to moderate its Islamic message to remain relevant. As such, they are likely to capitalise on these issues to enhance their image and gain political influence. For the Indonesian government, a ban on the Ahmadiyyah would be setting a precedent. Similar to Pakistan, it is likely that Islamist groups would call for other religious beliefs to be probed for insulting Islam. Such a move would also not be in keeping with Indonesia’s religious diversity.

    About the Author

    Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman is an Associate Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies and a PhD candidate at the Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series

    Popular Links

    About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

    Connect with Us

    rsis.ntu
    rsis_ntu
    rsisntu
    rsisvideocast
    school/rsis-ntu
    rsis.sg
    rsissg
    RSIS
    RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    Getting to RSIS

    Nanyang Technological University
    Block S4, Level B3,
    50 Nanyang Avenue,
    Singapore 639798

    Click here for direction to RSIS

    Get in Touch

      Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
      Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
      Help us improve

        Rate your experience with this website
        123456
        Not satisfiedVery satisfied
        What did you like?
        0/255 characters
        What can be improved?
        0/255 characters
        Your email
        Please enter a valid email.
        Thank you for your feedback.
        This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
        OK
        Latest Book
        more info