Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
Cohesive Societies
Sustainable Security
Other Resource Pages
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
External Podcasts
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National SecurityInstitute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      Cohesive SocietiesSustainable SecurityOther Resource PagesNews ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio ChannelExternal Podcasts
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS

      Get in Touch

    Connect
    Search
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • CO12103 | The Dangers of Creating a ‘Separate Identity’: Pakistan on a Slippery Course
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • RSIS Commentary Series
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • Future Issues
    • IDSS Papers
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers

    CO12103 | The Dangers of Creating a ‘Separate Identity’: Pakistan on a Slippery Course
    Sajjad Ashraf

    19 June 2012

    download pdf

    Synopsis

    Pakistan has embarked on a slippery course by proposing the division of southern Punjab into two provinces, on linguistic grounds. Similar separatist tendencies in other provinces could split the federation.

    Commentary

    Amidst the ongoing chaos and anarchy in Pakistan an important development, with far reaching consequences for the country, is going un-noticed. Early this month President Asif Ali Zardari sent a formal request to the speaker of the National Assembly to set up a commission to look into the legal, political and economic issues of creating two new provinces in southern Punjab. Multan and Bahawalpur provinces, where Saraiki is the main Punjabi dialect, are proposed to be carved out of the existing Punjab. The speaker was also to initiate the necessary constitutional amendment for the division.

    The move seems timed to draw maximum benefit for the ruling Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in the elections due early 2013. Earlier, the PPP led resolution in the National Assembly demanding separating South Punjab from the North was countered by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) in Punjab Assembly, demanding that Punjab be split into three instead of two, Hazara be separated from the Pushtun dominated Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and FATA (tribal areas) be made into a province.

    With nearly 60 per cent of Pakistan’s population of around 180 million Punjab qualifies to be the tenth biggest country in the world. It contains the key military recruiting districts and many of the senior bureaucracy hail from Punjab. Its size, resources and power are resented by the other constitutent units in the federation.

    Separatist alarm bells

    Any demand for dividing the provinces raises alarm bells in a country that came into being as West and East Pakistan after a bloody partition of the Indian Sub-continent in 1947. Then Pakistan itself split in a bloody civil war between the western and eastern wings leading to the establishment of Bangladesh in 1971. Deep down Pakistan lives under the fear of fragmentation when at different times of it 65 year history one or the other smaller provinces have expressed separatist tendencies. The current turmoil in Baluchistan also seems to be led by separatist forces.

    The Muttihida Qaumi Movement (MQM) a coalition partner of the ruling PPP took the first formal step seeking division of Punjab in January this year, by moving a constitutional amendment. The MQM, holding sway in Karachi, is often accused of harbouring ambitions of separating Karachi from Sindh and making it into a province for Urdu speakers. Their predecessors came to Pakistan in the wake of partition in 1947. While MQM denies these allegations maps of a Karachi province remain in circulation.

    Pashtuns migrating into Karachi in droves have reduced the MQM’s demographic edge; they would logically have a better chance of setting up a province now than years later when proportionately declining numbers will dilute its political clout further.

    Supporters of Saraiki province claim that they are demanding a separate province to be in control of their resources, which are allegedly diverted to northern Punjab. For them if religious divisions creating Pakistan are fine, so are linguistic divisions in demand of their province.

    Vote-catching gimmick?

    Opponents of PPP accuse it of mounting a platform of perceived ‘discrimination’ of a sub-region as a vote catcher; and that the real reason for championing a slogan like this one is the PPP’s inability to break the PML- N’s stranglehold over the most populous province. The party is headed by the former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who is now increasingly at odds with Mr. Zardari.

    PPP Minister Firdous Ashiq Awan’s apparent slip that “a party that doesn’t support the creation of South Punjab runs the risk of becoming politically irrelevant in one half of the province” reveals their real motives. It suits the Sindh-based PPP to pit the people of Punjab against each other.

    Rumors also abound that the Prime Minster Yusuf Raza Gilani, a Saraiki speaker, recently convicted of contempt of court and refusing to go, has launched his sons into politics in the mode of hereditary political transition in South Asia; the separatist move is designed to secure the chief minister’s position in a Saraiki province for one of his sons.

    Gilani, in one of his usual barbs, claimed that “the chief minister of the Saraiki province will be the one hearing the grievances of the people of the region, and the courts in the region will give them quick justice,” adding that a province will give people of the region “a separate identity”.

    Gilani obviously does not realise that the same argument of ‘separate identity’, and perceived injustice successfully used for the creation of Pakistan, came back to haunt the country in the shape of Bengali nationalism that deeply resented Punjabi domination of the state apparatus and economy. In the backdrop of similar Bengali claims leading to Bangladesh the narrow use of these arguments sounds like a dangerous course.

    Dangerous fires of division

    Stoking the fires of division in Punjab on linguistic grounds is likely to have a groundswell effect, beginning with forces seeking the division of Sindh, which the Sindhi nationalist have vowed to fight. Supporters of Hazara province, many of whom died protesting on mere name change of Northwest Frontier Province are already agitating for separation from the KPK. Baluchistan remains on fire, drawing parallels with the 1971 breakup of Pakistan.

    Given Pakistan’s unending economic plight the country will be unable to support several more governors, chief ministers, ministers and brigade of new bureaucrats who will all expect extraordinary perks. The Pakistani politicians must understand that the notion of ‘separate identity’ has its limits and dangers. Everyone cannot be equal, and claim ‘separate identity’ under the natural scheme of things. Pushing the notion too far without any empirical basis is destructive.

    Instead of improving governance as a panacea for many of the political and administrative ills, the ruling PPP’s current leadership, by pursuing a narrow agenda, has chosen this highly risky and divisive course, which could seriously imperil the federation of Pakistan.

    About the Author

    Sajjad Ashraf was Pakistan’s High Commissioner to Singapore 2004-2008. He now serves as an adjunct professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. He contributed this article specially to RSIS Commentaries. 

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series

    Synopsis

    Pakistan has embarked on a slippery course by proposing the division of southern Punjab into two provinces, on linguistic grounds. Similar separatist tendencies in other provinces could split the federation.

    Commentary

    Amidst the ongoing chaos and anarchy in Pakistan an important development, with far reaching consequences for the country, is going un-noticed. Early this month President Asif Ali Zardari sent a formal request to the speaker of the National Assembly to set up a commission to look into the legal, political and economic issues of creating two new provinces in southern Punjab. Multan and Bahawalpur provinces, where Saraiki is the main Punjabi dialect, are proposed to be carved out of the existing Punjab. The speaker was also to initiate the necessary constitutional amendment for the division.

    The move seems timed to draw maximum benefit for the ruling Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in the elections due early 2013. Earlier, the PPP led resolution in the National Assembly demanding separating South Punjab from the North was countered by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) in Punjab Assembly, demanding that Punjab be split into three instead of two, Hazara be separated from the Pushtun dominated Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and FATA (tribal areas) be made into a province.

    With nearly 60 per cent of Pakistan’s population of around 180 million Punjab qualifies to be the tenth biggest country in the world. It contains the key military recruiting districts and many of the senior bureaucracy hail from Punjab. Its size, resources and power are resented by the other constitutent units in the federation.

    Separatist alarm bells

    Any demand for dividing the provinces raises alarm bells in a country that came into being as West and East Pakistan after a bloody partition of the Indian Sub-continent in 1947. Then Pakistan itself split in a bloody civil war between the western and eastern wings leading to the establishment of Bangladesh in 1971. Deep down Pakistan lives under the fear of fragmentation when at different times of it 65 year history one or the other smaller provinces have expressed separatist tendencies. The current turmoil in Baluchistan also seems to be led by separatist forces.

    The Muttihida Qaumi Movement (MQM) a coalition partner of the ruling PPP took the first formal step seeking division of Punjab in January this year, by moving a constitutional amendment. The MQM, holding sway in Karachi, is often accused of harbouring ambitions of separating Karachi from Sindh and making it into a province for Urdu speakers. Their predecessors came to Pakistan in the wake of partition in 1947. While MQM denies these allegations maps of a Karachi province remain in circulation.

    Pashtuns migrating into Karachi in droves have reduced the MQM’s demographic edge; they would logically have a better chance of setting up a province now than years later when proportionately declining numbers will dilute its political clout further.

    Supporters of Saraiki province claim that they are demanding a separate province to be in control of their resources, which are allegedly diverted to northern Punjab. For them if religious divisions creating Pakistan are fine, so are linguistic divisions in demand of their province.

    Vote-catching gimmick?

    Opponents of PPP accuse it of mounting a platform of perceived ‘discrimination’ of a sub-region as a vote catcher; and that the real reason for championing a slogan like this one is the PPP’s inability to break the PML- N’s stranglehold over the most populous province. The party is headed by the former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who is now increasingly at odds with Mr. Zardari.

    PPP Minister Firdous Ashiq Awan’s apparent slip that “a party that doesn’t support the creation of South Punjab runs the risk of becoming politically irrelevant in one half of the province” reveals their real motives. It suits the Sindh-based PPP to pit the people of Punjab against each other.

    Rumors also abound that the Prime Minster Yusuf Raza Gilani, a Saraiki speaker, recently convicted of contempt of court and refusing to go, has launched his sons into politics in the mode of hereditary political transition in South Asia; the separatist move is designed to secure the chief minister’s position in a Saraiki province for one of his sons.

    Gilani, in one of his usual barbs, claimed that “the chief minister of the Saraiki province will be the one hearing the grievances of the people of the region, and the courts in the region will give them quick justice,” adding that a province will give people of the region “a separate identity”.

    Gilani obviously does not realise that the same argument of ‘separate identity’, and perceived injustice successfully used for the creation of Pakistan, came back to haunt the country in the shape of Bengali nationalism that deeply resented Punjabi domination of the state apparatus and economy. In the backdrop of similar Bengali claims leading to Bangladesh the narrow use of these arguments sounds like a dangerous course.

    Dangerous fires of division

    Stoking the fires of division in Punjab on linguistic grounds is likely to have a groundswell effect, beginning with forces seeking the division of Sindh, which the Sindhi nationalist have vowed to fight. Supporters of Hazara province, many of whom died protesting on mere name change of Northwest Frontier Province are already agitating for separation from the KPK. Baluchistan remains on fire, drawing parallels with the 1971 breakup of Pakistan.

    Given Pakistan’s unending economic plight the country will be unable to support several more governors, chief ministers, ministers and brigade of new bureaucrats who will all expect extraordinary perks. The Pakistani politicians must understand that the notion of ‘separate identity’ has its limits and dangers. Everyone cannot be equal, and claim ‘separate identity’ under the natural scheme of things. Pushing the notion too far without any empirical basis is destructive.

    Instead of improving governance as a panacea for many of the political and administrative ills, the ruling PPP’s current leadership, by pursuing a narrow agenda, has chosen this highly risky and divisive course, which could seriously imperil the federation of Pakistan.

    About the Author

    Sajjad Ashraf was Pakistan’s High Commissioner to Singapore 2004-2008. He now serves as an adjunct professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. He contributed this article specially to RSIS Commentaries. 

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series

    Popular Links

    About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

    Connect with Us

    rsis.ntu
    rsis_ntu
    rsisntu
    rsisvideocast
    school/rsis-ntu
    rsis.sg
    rsissg
    RSIS
    RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    Getting to RSIS

    Nanyang Technological University
    Block S4, Level B3,
    50 Nanyang Avenue,
    Singapore 639798

    Click here for direction to RSIS

    Get in Touch

      Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
      Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
      Help us improve

        Rate your experience with this website
        123456
        Not satisfiedVery satisfied
        What did you like?
        0/255 characters
        What can be improved?
        0/255 characters
        Your email
        Please enter a valid email.
        Thank you for your feedback.
        This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
        OK
        Latest Book
        more info