Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
Cohesive Societies
Sustainable Security
Other Resource Pages
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
External Podcasts
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National SecurityInstitute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      Cohesive SocietiesSustainable SecurityOther Resource PagesNews ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio ChannelExternal Podcasts
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS

      Get in Touch

    Connect
    Search
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • CO05035 | Thailand’s Restive South: Time to Acknowledge the Multiplicity of Thai-ness
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • RSIS Commentary Series
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • Future Issues
    • IDSS Papers
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers

    CO05035 | Thailand’s Restive South: Time to Acknowledge the Multiplicity of Thai-ness
    Norman Vasu

    22 June 2005

    download pdf

    Commentary

    ALTHOUGH bloodshed on the scale of the Krue Se mosque massacre and the bungled Tak Bai arrests have not occurred in Thailand’s restive south recently, the violence continues to rumble on. To quell the violence, the Thai government appears to have adopted a two- pronged strategy. On the one hand, it is continuing to adapt its military response to the unrest; on the other, it is seeking to foster unity through dialogue.

    With regard to the first prong, the Thai government has reviewed the command structure of its military in the southernmost provinces. This has led to a restructuring that has seen a change in the higher-echelon officers as well as a clarification of the command hierarchy. With regard to the second prong, the Thai government has sought to defuse tension by creating the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC). Charged with the responsibility for suggesting policies and mechanisms to create reconciliation and bring peace, the NRC has proposed policies such as a fund for victims of the violence and also the establishment of a centre in the south offering Muslim Thais the opportunity to put forward suggestions on how the tensions may be better addressed.

    Though these measures may go some way to resolve the violence, one of the key issues surrounding the problems of the south has not been addressed. Currently, Muslim Malays in the south feel any expression of their Muslim Malay culture and language is perceived as an act of disloyalty by Thai authorities. In addition, the term ‘Thai’ appears to encapsulate only Thai ethnicity and the Buddhist religion. This view makes them feel out of place in Thailand and makes them susceptible to the allure of extremist views.

    As the conflict is to a large degree about religion and ethnic identity, a re-evaluation of Thai- ness is essential to resolving the unrest in Thailand’s deep south. The Thai government may have to revise its practice of multiculturalism as well as its understanding of Thai identity in order not to alienate the Muslim Malays and to remove Malay ethnic identity and Islam as rallying tools by extremists.

    An open acknowledgment by the Thai government of the diversity of multicultural Thailand will offer Thai Muslims in the south greater scope in expressing themselves as both Thai and Muslim – where both identities are not seen to be mutually exclusive and where charges of disloyalty are foreclosed.

    Multiculturalism in Thailand

    From the perspective of the long-term, most societies, whether acknowledged or not, are multicultural. The term multicultural is used here as an adjective and it describes the social demographic of states where different cultural communities live together and attempt to build a common life. Although most states are multicultural, there are different ways in which they manage these differences within their borders – i.e. they have different policies on multiculturalism. For instance, under the apartheid regime in South Africa, the policy of multiculturalism practised by the state was one of segregation while the policy of multiculturalism in Singapore is one where the state ensures equality of opportunity while also recognising and supporting the differences between ethnic groups in Singapore.

    Thailand has never officially stated its policy on multiculturalism though it may be inferred from government policy that the approach one of assimilation. Despite the great linguistic and cultural diversity of central, northern, northeastern and southern Thailand, the official rhetoric has been that they are all ‘Thai’. Unfortunately, ‘Thai’ here is often not understood purely to be an identity founded in citizenship. Instead, ‘Thai’ here is a culturally and ethnically loaded term with Thai ethnicity and Buddhism being the sine qua non of Thai- ness.

    The domination of this limited understanding of Thai-ness is unusual given that diversity has always been a feature of the social demographic and history of Thailand. Thailand has always been a diverse society composed of groups such as the Chinese, Sikhs, Malays, Mons, Khmers and Isans to name but a few. These groups are not recent immigrants as they have long histories entwined with Thailand. For example, the Chinese have been a feature of Thai society for about 200 years, the Sikhs can trace their first arrivals to 120 years ago and the Mons have had a community in Bangkok since 1609. As such, a more precise representation of Thailand is a community of citizens and a community of ethnic and religious groups.

    Besides the history of cultural difference within Thailand, as all key political players seem to be in agreement, Thai politics appears ready to officially express their multicultural composition. During the King’s first royal address to Prime Minister Thaksin’s cabinet on 22 February 2001, the King commented on what constituted the Thai nation. The Thai nation, he said, “comprises people from various parts of the country. They differ in thoughts and ways of life. Their home topographies are different. So are their standings… One of the problems that the government will face concerns the people who have long been living in our country but are not yet considered Thai… They were born in Thailand. They have been living in Thailand. But they haven’t received the benefits of being Thai citizens. This matter must be handled without discrimination”.

    Thai politicians have also recognised the diversity of Thailand with Prime Minister Thaksin in a national radio address on 11 January 2004 calling upon the Thai people to end religious violence as they are all Thai citizens. The Thai military has also acknowledged the need to stress Thai commonality by requesting the media to refer to locals in the south as either Thai citizens or southern residents and not Thai Buddhists or Muslims. Finally, Thailand’s Constitution offers the possibility of declaring Thailand a multicultural society by guaranteeing that its people will not face discrimination based on origins, race, language or religion.

    The Benefits of Stressing the Ties that Bind

    The manner in which Thailand describes itself and the manner in which ethnic and religious differences are managed offer an opportunity to escape the quagmire of violence in the southern provinces. Admittedly, a clear articulation of the official standing on multiculturalism in Thailand will not be the panacea for the problems in the southern Thai provinces. But it would definitely be another important supplement to the government’s current efforts.

    Firstly, officially celebrating and protecting the ethnic and religious diversity of Thailand furnishes the government with a strong tool with which to remove ethnicity and religion as a rallying tool for foreign and local extremists. Regardless of whether the violence in the deep south is perceived to be a secessionist struggle or whether it is viewed as a fight by an alienated minority to attain cultural space, by officially stating that Thailand is a multicultural society allows the Thais the opportunity to live their differences while still being united as Thai citizens.

    Secondly, this new form of multiculturalism permits the breaking of the vicious circle of pondoks and the lack of Muslim bureaucrats. Currently, many Thai Muslims send their children to pondoks (Islamic schools) instead of Thai state schools as parents feel that state schools are a means for the state to enforce assimilation and undermine their identity. A small pool of Muslim students in state schools then results in a small number of qualified Muslims qualified to join the state bureaucracy. A redrafting of the Thai educational curriculum to better reflect and celebrate diversity within Thailand will attract more Muslim Thais to attend state schools or at least convince pondoks to teach the Thai language and more standard subjects so that a new breed of bureaucrats can be developed to make up the current shortfall.

    Finally, a change in the government’s policy on multiculturalism will allow for Thais to further develop deeper bonds with each other so that the different ethnic and religious communities can view each other with less suspicion. Although national identity is not something that can be ascribed purely by the state, government policies have a part to play in informing and steering its development. Years of distrust and unfair stereotypes have to be removed in all sides of the dispute in order to continually build up peace and understanding.

    About the Author

    Norman Vasu is a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Conflict and Stability / Country and Region Studies / Religion in Contemporary Society / Southeast Asia and ASEAN

    Commentary

    ALTHOUGH bloodshed on the scale of the Krue Se mosque massacre and the bungled Tak Bai arrests have not occurred in Thailand’s restive south recently, the violence continues to rumble on. To quell the violence, the Thai government appears to have adopted a two- pronged strategy. On the one hand, it is continuing to adapt its military response to the unrest; on the other, it is seeking to foster unity through dialogue.

    With regard to the first prong, the Thai government has reviewed the command structure of its military in the southernmost provinces. This has led to a restructuring that has seen a change in the higher-echelon officers as well as a clarification of the command hierarchy. With regard to the second prong, the Thai government has sought to defuse tension by creating the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC). Charged with the responsibility for suggesting policies and mechanisms to create reconciliation and bring peace, the NRC has proposed policies such as a fund for victims of the violence and also the establishment of a centre in the south offering Muslim Thais the opportunity to put forward suggestions on how the tensions may be better addressed.

    Though these measures may go some way to resolve the violence, one of the key issues surrounding the problems of the south has not been addressed. Currently, Muslim Malays in the south feel any expression of their Muslim Malay culture and language is perceived as an act of disloyalty by Thai authorities. In addition, the term ‘Thai’ appears to encapsulate only Thai ethnicity and the Buddhist religion. This view makes them feel out of place in Thailand and makes them susceptible to the allure of extremist views.

    As the conflict is to a large degree about religion and ethnic identity, a re-evaluation of Thai- ness is essential to resolving the unrest in Thailand’s deep south. The Thai government may have to revise its practice of multiculturalism as well as its understanding of Thai identity in order not to alienate the Muslim Malays and to remove Malay ethnic identity and Islam as rallying tools by extremists.

    An open acknowledgment by the Thai government of the diversity of multicultural Thailand will offer Thai Muslims in the south greater scope in expressing themselves as both Thai and Muslim – where both identities are not seen to be mutually exclusive and where charges of disloyalty are foreclosed.

    Multiculturalism in Thailand

    From the perspective of the long-term, most societies, whether acknowledged or not, are multicultural. The term multicultural is used here as an adjective and it describes the social demographic of states where different cultural communities live together and attempt to build a common life. Although most states are multicultural, there are different ways in which they manage these differences within their borders – i.e. they have different policies on multiculturalism. For instance, under the apartheid regime in South Africa, the policy of multiculturalism practised by the state was one of segregation while the policy of multiculturalism in Singapore is one where the state ensures equality of opportunity while also recognising and supporting the differences between ethnic groups in Singapore.

    Thailand has never officially stated its policy on multiculturalism though it may be inferred from government policy that the approach one of assimilation. Despite the great linguistic and cultural diversity of central, northern, northeastern and southern Thailand, the official rhetoric has been that they are all ‘Thai’. Unfortunately, ‘Thai’ here is often not understood purely to be an identity founded in citizenship. Instead, ‘Thai’ here is a culturally and ethnically loaded term with Thai ethnicity and Buddhism being the sine qua non of Thai- ness.

    The domination of this limited understanding of Thai-ness is unusual given that diversity has always been a feature of the social demographic and history of Thailand. Thailand has always been a diverse society composed of groups such as the Chinese, Sikhs, Malays, Mons, Khmers and Isans to name but a few. These groups are not recent immigrants as they have long histories entwined with Thailand. For example, the Chinese have been a feature of Thai society for about 200 years, the Sikhs can trace their first arrivals to 120 years ago and the Mons have had a community in Bangkok since 1609. As such, a more precise representation of Thailand is a community of citizens and a community of ethnic and religious groups.

    Besides the history of cultural difference within Thailand, as all key political players seem to be in agreement, Thai politics appears ready to officially express their multicultural composition. During the King’s first royal address to Prime Minister Thaksin’s cabinet on 22 February 2001, the King commented on what constituted the Thai nation. The Thai nation, he said, “comprises people from various parts of the country. They differ in thoughts and ways of life. Their home topographies are different. So are their standings… One of the problems that the government will face concerns the people who have long been living in our country but are not yet considered Thai… They were born in Thailand. They have been living in Thailand. But they haven’t received the benefits of being Thai citizens. This matter must be handled without discrimination”.

    Thai politicians have also recognised the diversity of Thailand with Prime Minister Thaksin in a national radio address on 11 January 2004 calling upon the Thai people to end religious violence as they are all Thai citizens. The Thai military has also acknowledged the need to stress Thai commonality by requesting the media to refer to locals in the south as either Thai citizens or southern residents and not Thai Buddhists or Muslims. Finally, Thailand’s Constitution offers the possibility of declaring Thailand a multicultural society by guaranteeing that its people will not face discrimination based on origins, race, language or religion.

    The Benefits of Stressing the Ties that Bind

    The manner in which Thailand describes itself and the manner in which ethnic and religious differences are managed offer an opportunity to escape the quagmire of violence in the southern provinces. Admittedly, a clear articulation of the official standing on multiculturalism in Thailand will not be the panacea for the problems in the southern Thai provinces. But it would definitely be another important supplement to the government’s current efforts.

    Firstly, officially celebrating and protecting the ethnic and religious diversity of Thailand furnishes the government with a strong tool with which to remove ethnicity and religion as a rallying tool for foreign and local extremists. Regardless of whether the violence in the deep south is perceived to be a secessionist struggle or whether it is viewed as a fight by an alienated minority to attain cultural space, by officially stating that Thailand is a multicultural society allows the Thais the opportunity to live their differences while still being united as Thai citizens.

    Secondly, this new form of multiculturalism permits the breaking of the vicious circle of pondoks and the lack of Muslim bureaucrats. Currently, many Thai Muslims send their children to pondoks (Islamic schools) instead of Thai state schools as parents feel that state schools are a means for the state to enforce assimilation and undermine their identity. A small pool of Muslim students in state schools then results in a small number of qualified Muslims qualified to join the state bureaucracy. A redrafting of the Thai educational curriculum to better reflect and celebrate diversity within Thailand will attract more Muslim Thais to attend state schools or at least convince pondoks to teach the Thai language and more standard subjects so that a new breed of bureaucrats can be developed to make up the current shortfall.

    Finally, a change in the government’s policy on multiculturalism will allow for Thais to further develop deeper bonds with each other so that the different ethnic and religious communities can view each other with less suspicion. Although national identity is not something that can be ascribed purely by the state, government policies have a part to play in informing and steering its development. Years of distrust and unfair stereotypes have to be removed in all sides of the dispute in order to continually build up peace and understanding.

    About the Author

    Norman Vasu is a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Conflict and Stability / Country and Region Studies / Religion in Contemporary Society

    Popular Links

    About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

    Connect with Us

    rsis.ntu
    rsis_ntu
    rsisntu
    rsisvideocast
    school/rsis-ntu
    rsis.sg
    rsissg
    RSIS
    RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    Getting to RSIS

    Nanyang Technological University
    Block S4, Level B3,
    50 Nanyang Avenue,
    Singapore 639798

    Click here for direction to RSIS

    Get in Touch

      Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
      Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
      Help us improve

        Rate your experience with this website
        123456
        Not satisfiedVery satisfied
        What did you like?
        0/255 characters
        What can be improved?
        0/255 characters
        Your email
        Please enter a valid email.
        Thank you for your feedback.
        This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
        OK
        Latest Book
        more info