Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
Public Education
About Public Education
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS)Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      Public EducationAbout Public Education
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      News ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio Channel
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS
Connect
Search
  • RSIS
  • Publication
  • RSIS Publications
  • CO16048 | ASEAN Centrality: Still Alive and Kicking
  • Annual Reviews
  • Books
  • Bulletins and Newsletters
  • RSIS Commentary Series
  • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
  • Commemorative / Event Reports
  • Future Issues
  • IDSS Papers
  • Interreligious Relations
  • Monographs
  • NTS Insight
  • Policy Reports
  • Working Papers

CO16048 | ASEAN Centrality: Still Alive and Kicking
Tsjeng Zhizhao Henrick

29 February 2016

download pdf

Synopsis

ASEAN centrality has been challenged by the pulls of US-China tensions of late. Developments behind the scenes, and the recent United States-ASEAN Special Leaders’ Summit at Sunnylands, however, demonstrate the continuing validity of the centrality dynamic.

Commentary

THE RECENT United States-ASEAN Special Leaders’ Summit at Sunnylands, California, was hailed for consolidating the US rebalance to Asia. The Joint Statement of the Summit reiterated major principles to guide the trajectory of the US-ASEAN relationship and upheld the validity of ASEAN centrality in the evolving regional architecture of the Asia-Pacific. Amid concerns that ASEAN centrality is being undermined by major power politics, the Sunnylands Summit is an affirmation of its continuing strength rather than a sign of its weakness.

ASEAN centrality, the principle by which ASEAN countries maintain their leadership role in the regional architecture, envisions that the 10-member grouping can and should engage with extra regional powers, while always upholding ASEAN interests, and never allowing external powers to push their own agendas in the region.

Challenges to ASEAN Centrality from Cambodia to Malaysia

The notion of ASEAN centrality has been challenged in recent times, as ASEAN seems to be increasingly pulled in different directions by major power rivalry, especially between the United States and China. This appears evident in the South China Sea disputes, which has more than once posed challenges to the solidarity and centrality of ASEAN. Many observers are increasingly pessimistic of the ability of ASEAN to hold together as a regional group and to continue playing the leading role in regional cooperation. However, such pessimism is for most part unwarranted, for now at least.

Such doubt is based on the appearance of ASEAN solidarity, on whether a joint declaration is issued or not, and failed to take into account the progress made in many aspects of cooperation in ASEAN. This doubt largely began when the 2012 ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in Cambodia failed to issue a joint communique for the first time in ASEAN’s history.

That outcome was attributed to the influence of China on the then ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, not to include any reference to the South China Sea dispute in the joint communique. That was seen as a major political setback for ASEAN solidarity, though it was redeemed by a subsequent statement of principles on the South China Sea issued by the ASEAN foreign ministers.

What was not perceived was the continuance of regional defence cooperation, which grew at a steady pace. Defence initiatives under the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM), such as the ASEAN Defence Interaction Programmes and the Logistics Support Framework, continued apace. Ultimately, the incident in Cambodia was an aberration and did not affect ASEAN-led cooperation in other areas; ASEAN unity was not severely compromised.

Nonetheless, even defence cooperation did not appear immune from the vagaries of major power politics. In recent years, the US has been more active in pushing ASEAN as a grouping to be more forthright on the South China Sea issue, even as China firmly insists that the disputes, seen  as bilateral issues, have no place in ASEAN-level dialogues. This was the case during the 3rd ADMM-Plus in Kuala Lumpur in November 2015, which issued no joint declaration.

Unfounded fears

In the wake of that meeting, many observers feared that ASEAN was losing its centrality. While there are reasons to be concerned about the increasing prominence of major power rivalry, these sentiments, however, failed to grasp the strength of ASEAN unity as it worked behind the scenes.

For example, the ADMM Retreat, held one day before the 3rd ADMM-Plus, yielded an important outcome – the agreement to set up the Direct Communication Link initiative, which would enhance response coordination during an emergency situation. This was a milestone that was achieved with little fanfare, owing to the relatively higher profile of the non-issuance of a joint declaration the following day.

Moreover, given the likely disagreement between the US, China and other countries over the inclusion of the South China Sea issue, ASEAN countries had in fact demonstrated their unity and centrality in the 3rd ADMM-Plus by not issuing a joint declaration that would have included the issue. Instead, the Malaysian Chair released a Chairman’s Statement—which did not require the consensus of all parties—that mentioned the Declaration of the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, as well as the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea.

The Sunnylands Summit: ASEAN Centrality Affirmed

The Sunnylands Summit accorded the US host an opportunity to push its agenda onto ASEAN, yet, it did not get any explicit mention of the South China Sea into the Joint Statement. While the fifth paragraph of the Joint Statement expressed support for ASEAN centrality, the following four paragraphs in fact played out that centrality: much was mentioned about the importance of peaceful resolution of disputes as well as adherence to international law; but the South China Sea disputes in and of themselves were not even mentioned, although they were implicit in these four paragraphs.

It is likely that the US is growing increasingly supportive of ASEAN centrality and has, at least for now, backed off from pushing its agenda on the South China Sea disputes in the discussions.

This is ASEAN centrality at work, which emphasises that great power politics should not hijack ASEAN’s agenda while ASEAN continues to lead the agenda in its external engagement. That is not to say that ASEAN is sweeping the South China Sea problem “under the rug”, a criticism constantly levelled at the group; the Sunnylands Joint Statement emphasised maritime security and called for adherence to the Law of the Sea and the safeguarding of freedom of navigation and overflight – all-encompassing values that both ASEAN and the US are able to agree on regarding the South China Sea disputes.

Even though ASEAN centrality may have been challenged by major power rivalry in recent times, much progress on cooperation, both within ASEAN and with dialogue partners, has taken place. To simply harp on the apparent divisions within ASEAN arising from lack of joint declarations, is to paint a distorted picture of the ASEAN centrality dynamic. Nonetheless, ASEAN must continue to make sure that it speaks with a unified voice and expands the scope of its cooperation, so as not lose its solidarity, relevance, and centrality.

About the Author

Henrick Z. Tsjeng is Associate Research Fellow with the Regional Security Architecture Programme, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Conflict and Stability / Maritime Security / Regionalism and Multilateralism / East Asia and Asia Pacific / Southeast Asia and ASEAN

Synopsis

ASEAN centrality has been challenged by the pulls of US-China tensions of late. Developments behind the scenes, and the recent United States-ASEAN Special Leaders’ Summit at Sunnylands, however, demonstrate the continuing validity of the centrality dynamic.

Commentary

THE RECENT United States-ASEAN Special Leaders’ Summit at Sunnylands, California, was hailed for consolidating the US rebalance to Asia. The Joint Statement of the Summit reiterated major principles to guide the trajectory of the US-ASEAN relationship and upheld the validity of ASEAN centrality in the evolving regional architecture of the Asia-Pacific. Amid concerns that ASEAN centrality is being undermined by major power politics, the Sunnylands Summit is an affirmation of its continuing strength rather than a sign of its weakness.

ASEAN centrality, the principle by which ASEAN countries maintain their leadership role in the regional architecture, envisions that the 10-member grouping can and should engage with extra regional powers, while always upholding ASEAN interests, and never allowing external powers to push their own agendas in the region.

Challenges to ASEAN Centrality from Cambodia to Malaysia

The notion of ASEAN centrality has been challenged in recent times, as ASEAN seems to be increasingly pulled in different directions by major power rivalry, especially between the United States and China. This appears evident in the South China Sea disputes, which has more than once posed challenges to the solidarity and centrality of ASEAN. Many observers are increasingly pessimistic of the ability of ASEAN to hold together as a regional group and to continue playing the leading role in regional cooperation. However, such pessimism is for most part unwarranted, for now at least.

Such doubt is based on the appearance of ASEAN solidarity, on whether a joint declaration is issued or not, and failed to take into account the progress made in many aspects of cooperation in ASEAN. This doubt largely began when the 2012 ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting in Cambodia failed to issue a joint communique for the first time in ASEAN’s history.

That outcome was attributed to the influence of China on the then ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, not to include any reference to the South China Sea dispute in the joint communique. That was seen as a major political setback for ASEAN solidarity, though it was redeemed by a subsequent statement of principles on the South China Sea issued by the ASEAN foreign ministers.

What was not perceived was the continuance of regional defence cooperation, which grew at a steady pace. Defence initiatives under the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM), such as the ASEAN Defence Interaction Programmes and the Logistics Support Framework, continued apace. Ultimately, the incident in Cambodia was an aberration and did not affect ASEAN-led cooperation in other areas; ASEAN unity was not severely compromised.

Nonetheless, even defence cooperation did not appear immune from the vagaries of major power politics. In recent years, the US has been more active in pushing ASEAN as a grouping to be more forthright on the South China Sea issue, even as China firmly insists that the disputes, seen  as bilateral issues, have no place in ASEAN-level dialogues. This was the case during the 3rd ADMM-Plus in Kuala Lumpur in November 2015, which issued no joint declaration.

Unfounded fears

In the wake of that meeting, many observers feared that ASEAN was losing its centrality. While there are reasons to be concerned about the increasing prominence of major power rivalry, these sentiments, however, failed to grasp the strength of ASEAN unity as it worked behind the scenes.

For example, the ADMM Retreat, held one day before the 3rd ADMM-Plus, yielded an important outcome – the agreement to set up the Direct Communication Link initiative, which would enhance response coordination during an emergency situation. This was a milestone that was achieved with little fanfare, owing to the relatively higher profile of the non-issuance of a joint declaration the following day.

Moreover, given the likely disagreement between the US, China and other countries over the inclusion of the South China Sea issue, ASEAN countries had in fact demonstrated their unity and centrality in the 3rd ADMM-Plus by not issuing a joint declaration that would have included the issue. Instead, the Malaysian Chair released a Chairman’s Statement—which did not require the consensus of all parties—that mentioned the Declaration of the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, as well as the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea.

The Sunnylands Summit: ASEAN Centrality Affirmed

The Sunnylands Summit accorded the US host an opportunity to push its agenda onto ASEAN, yet, it did not get any explicit mention of the South China Sea into the Joint Statement. While the fifth paragraph of the Joint Statement expressed support for ASEAN centrality, the following four paragraphs in fact played out that centrality: much was mentioned about the importance of peaceful resolution of disputes as well as adherence to international law; but the South China Sea disputes in and of themselves were not even mentioned, although they were implicit in these four paragraphs.

It is likely that the US is growing increasingly supportive of ASEAN centrality and has, at least for now, backed off from pushing its agenda on the South China Sea disputes in the discussions.

This is ASEAN centrality at work, which emphasises that great power politics should not hijack ASEAN’s agenda while ASEAN continues to lead the agenda in its external engagement. That is not to say that ASEAN is sweeping the South China Sea problem “under the rug”, a criticism constantly levelled at the group; the Sunnylands Joint Statement emphasised maritime security and called for adherence to the Law of the Sea and the safeguarding of freedom of navigation and overflight – all-encompassing values that both ASEAN and the US are able to agree on regarding the South China Sea disputes.

Even though ASEAN centrality may have been challenged by major power rivalry in recent times, much progress on cooperation, both within ASEAN and with dialogue partners, has taken place. To simply harp on the apparent divisions within ASEAN arising from lack of joint declarations, is to paint a distorted picture of the ASEAN centrality dynamic. Nonetheless, ASEAN must continue to make sure that it speaks with a unified voice and expands the scope of its cooperation, so as not lose its solidarity, relevance, and centrality.

About the Author

Henrick Z. Tsjeng is Associate Research Fellow with the Regional Security Architecture Programme, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Conflict and Stability / Maritime Security / Regionalism and Multilateralism

Popular Links

About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

Connect with Us

rsis.ntu
rsis_ntu
rsisntu
rsisvideocast
school/rsis-ntu
rsis.sg
rsissg
RSIS
RSS
Subscribe to RSIS Publications
Subscribe to RSIS Events

Getting to RSIS

Nanyang Technological University
Block S4, Level B3,
50 Nanyang Avenue,
Singapore 639798

Click here for direction to RSIS

Get in Touch

    Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
    Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
    Help us improve

      Rate your experience with this website
      123456
      Not satisfiedVery satisfied
      What did you like?
      0/255 characters
      What can be improved?
      0/255 characters
      Your email
      Please enter a valid email.
      Thank you for your feedback.
      This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
      OK
      Latest Book
      more info