Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
Cohesive Societies
Sustainable Security
Other Resource Pages
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
External Podcasts
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National SecurityInstitute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      Cohesive SocietiesSustainable SecurityOther Resource PagesNews ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio ChannelExternal Podcasts
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS

      Get in Touch

    Connect
    Search
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • CO16208 | Jokowi’s Power Consolidation: At What Cost?
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • RSIS Commentary Series
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • Future Issues
    • IDSS Papers
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers

    CO16208 | Jokowi’s Power Consolidation: At What Cost?
    Emirza Adi Syailendra

    17 August 2016

    download pdf

    Synopsis

    Starting weak, over the course of two years, Indonesia’s seventh president Joko Widodo (Jokowi), has been able to solidify his power. This victory, however, has come at several costs.

    Commentary

    JOKO WIDODO’s victory in the 2014 presidential election was celebrated as it represented a major progress of democracy in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country. The rise to power of Jokowi, as he is also known, was unprecedented as it was largely the collective effort of volunteers and a strong social media presence that largely helped his humble persona and credible achievements during his term as mayor of Solo and governor of Jakarta. This had inspired high expectations that he would be able to enact much-needed political and economic reforms as president.

    These expectations however, lost momentum as the new leader struggled to navigate a political system dominated by party oligarchs and the military. Jokowi’s own party, the Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle (PDI-P), had managed to constrict his room for manoeuvre, and this was evident in the selection of candidates for ministerial posts in his first Cabinet. Continued infighting within his first Cabinet further compromised the efficiency of the Jokowi administration. Without a military background, his unfamiliarity with party politics in the country, and the existence of a potentially hostile opposition-led parliament all conspired to pose considerable obstacles for Jokowi’s presidency.

    Jokowi’s Winning Streak

    Jokowi’s astute political manoeuvrings, however, has got him into a position where he has gradually gained the support and trust of the public as battles with entrenched interests continue. It is in light of these challenges and obstacles that Jokowi’s political decision, including the recent Cabinet reshuffle in July, must be understood.

    There are four reasons to believe that President Jokowi’s position has strengthened two years after coming into office. First, by retaining several loyal and powerful figures in Cabinet, Jokowi has been able to balance against oligarchic powers confronting him. Two such figures are Luhut Pandjaitan and Rini Soemarno.

    By moving Luhut from the post of Coordinating Minister of Politics, Law, and Security to Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs, Jokowi has appointed his trusted lieutenant to a key position that would oversee arguably the most ambitious item on the presidential agenda –Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum initiative.

    In the case of Rini Soemarno, despite pressure from various quarters in the PDI-P to dismiss her, she has been given the responsibility to handle investments from China as State Enterprises Minister, most notably the ongoing Jakarta – Bandung high speed train project.

    Gaining Ground

    Second, Jokowi has been able to expand his coalition within the House of Representatives (DPR) by bringing the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Functional Groups Party (Golkar) to his side, holding some 67 percent of the parliamentary seats. This has effectively reversed the situation immediately after the 2014 election, which saw the opposition coalition controlling the majority of parliamentary seats. As concessions, however, he has to put in place Asman Abnur from PAN as the new Minister of State Apparatus and Bureaucratic Reform, and Airlangga Hartarto from Golkar as the new Minister of Industry.

    Third, by dismissing several Cabinet ministers known to have been at odds with him through a reshuffle, such as Anies Baswedan and Ignasius Jonan, Jokowi has also demonstrated a leadership style that echoes traditional Javanese political culture where leaders have low tolerance for dissent. This is a show of power, which highlights the importance of obedience over performance.

    Finally, Jokowi has also been able to consolidate power by bringing in the military to his side. Jokowi’s appointment of retired general Wiranto, the chief patron of the Peoples’ Conscience Party (Hanura), to the position of Coordinating Minister of Political, Law, and Security Affairs, despite alleged human rights abuses, not only compensated for his removal of two Hanura ministers during the previous Cabinet reshuffle, it also strengthened the president’s relationship with the military.

    The Cost of Political Consolidation

    Although Jokowi is consolidating his power, no doubt, this political victory comes with several costs. After the 2014 general election, having held only 109 of 560 seats, Jokowi was forced to make concessions with his coalition partners. As a result of political transactions, Jokowi is saddled with a rainbow Cabinet, comprising nonpartisan professionals and ministerial positions held by party members’ representatives in order to balance the demand of his ruling coalition in DPR.

    Doubtless, this is important in order to cater, at least in part, to vested interests such as the political or business interests of his ruling alliance. Nonetheless, given the pivotal role of personality in leading much-needed bureaucratic reform in various Indonesian ministries, these concessions resulted in lost opportunity to have credible technocrats in Cabinet.

    His tacit alliance with the military also comes at the cost of halting the advancement of civilian control over the military. Indonesia has witnessed the increasingly vivid presence of retired and active military generals in decision-making circles and in public debates, who also actively encouraged the deployment of military personnel to address emerging social and economic issues.

    In February 2016, at the height of public discussion over the legality of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement in Indonesia, Defence Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu made remarks comparing the demand for freedom of such movement to being even more dangerous than nuclear warfare. Ryacudu then suggested the need to increase military presence to educate the populace to counter such a movement. This is one example where military leaders in power inevitably assert their own independent political conclusions on issues which are not only beyond their area of expertise, but also encroached directly upon civilian control.

    Indeed, constrained within a tangle of oligarchic politics, Jokowi has to do what needs to be done to advance his political goals. The puzzling question is, however, whether these political transactions, will in the long run, be worth it for Indonesia’s democratic progress.

    About the Author

    Emirza Adi Syailendra is a Research Analyst with the Indonesia Programme of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. This is the first in a series on the Jokowi presidency.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Country and Region Studies / Southeast Asia and ASEAN

    Synopsis

    Starting weak, over the course of two years, Indonesia’s seventh president Joko Widodo (Jokowi), has been able to solidify his power. This victory, however, has come at several costs.

    Commentary

    JOKO WIDODO’s victory in the 2014 presidential election was celebrated as it represented a major progress of democracy in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country. The rise to power of Jokowi, as he is also known, was unprecedented as it was largely the collective effort of volunteers and a strong social media presence that largely helped his humble persona and credible achievements during his term as mayor of Solo and governor of Jakarta. This had inspired high expectations that he would be able to enact much-needed political and economic reforms as president.

    These expectations however, lost momentum as the new leader struggled to navigate a political system dominated by party oligarchs and the military. Jokowi’s own party, the Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle (PDI-P), had managed to constrict his room for manoeuvre, and this was evident in the selection of candidates for ministerial posts in his first Cabinet. Continued infighting within his first Cabinet further compromised the efficiency of the Jokowi administration. Without a military background, his unfamiliarity with party politics in the country, and the existence of a potentially hostile opposition-led parliament all conspired to pose considerable obstacles for Jokowi’s presidency.

    Jokowi’s Winning Streak

    Jokowi’s astute political manoeuvrings, however, has got him into a position where he has gradually gained the support and trust of the public as battles with entrenched interests continue. It is in light of these challenges and obstacles that Jokowi’s political decision, including the recent Cabinet reshuffle in July, must be understood.

    There are four reasons to believe that President Jokowi’s position has strengthened two years after coming into office. First, by retaining several loyal and powerful figures in Cabinet, Jokowi has been able to balance against oligarchic powers confronting him. Two such figures are Luhut Pandjaitan and Rini Soemarno.

    By moving Luhut from the post of Coordinating Minister of Politics, Law, and Security to Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs, Jokowi has appointed his trusted lieutenant to a key position that would oversee arguably the most ambitious item on the presidential agenda –Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum initiative.

    In the case of Rini Soemarno, despite pressure from various quarters in the PDI-P to dismiss her, she has been given the responsibility to handle investments from China as State Enterprises Minister, most notably the ongoing Jakarta – Bandung high speed train project.

    Gaining Ground

    Second, Jokowi has been able to expand his coalition within the House of Representatives (DPR) by bringing the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Functional Groups Party (Golkar) to his side, holding some 67 percent of the parliamentary seats. This has effectively reversed the situation immediately after the 2014 election, which saw the opposition coalition controlling the majority of parliamentary seats. As concessions, however, he has to put in place Asman Abnur from PAN as the new Minister of State Apparatus and Bureaucratic Reform, and Airlangga Hartarto from Golkar as the new Minister of Industry.

    Third, by dismissing several Cabinet ministers known to have been at odds with him through a reshuffle, such as Anies Baswedan and Ignasius Jonan, Jokowi has also demonstrated a leadership style that echoes traditional Javanese political culture where leaders have low tolerance for dissent. This is a show of power, which highlights the importance of obedience over performance.

    Finally, Jokowi has also been able to consolidate power by bringing in the military to his side. Jokowi’s appointment of retired general Wiranto, the chief patron of the Peoples’ Conscience Party (Hanura), to the position of Coordinating Minister of Political, Law, and Security Affairs, despite alleged human rights abuses, not only compensated for his removal of two Hanura ministers during the previous Cabinet reshuffle, it also strengthened the president’s relationship with the military.

    The Cost of Political Consolidation

    Although Jokowi is consolidating his power, no doubt, this political victory comes with several costs. After the 2014 general election, having held only 109 of 560 seats, Jokowi was forced to make concessions with his coalition partners. As a result of political transactions, Jokowi is saddled with a rainbow Cabinet, comprising nonpartisan professionals and ministerial positions held by party members’ representatives in order to balance the demand of his ruling coalition in DPR.

    Doubtless, this is important in order to cater, at least in part, to vested interests such as the political or business interests of his ruling alliance. Nonetheless, given the pivotal role of personality in leading much-needed bureaucratic reform in various Indonesian ministries, these concessions resulted in lost opportunity to have credible technocrats in Cabinet.

    His tacit alliance with the military also comes at the cost of halting the advancement of civilian control over the military. Indonesia has witnessed the increasingly vivid presence of retired and active military generals in decision-making circles and in public debates, who also actively encouraged the deployment of military personnel to address emerging social and economic issues.

    In February 2016, at the height of public discussion over the legality of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement in Indonesia, Defence Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu made remarks comparing the demand for freedom of such movement to being even more dangerous than nuclear warfare. Ryacudu then suggested the need to increase military presence to educate the populace to counter such a movement. This is one example where military leaders in power inevitably assert their own independent political conclusions on issues which are not only beyond their area of expertise, but also encroached directly upon civilian control.

    Indeed, constrained within a tangle of oligarchic politics, Jokowi has to do what needs to be done to advance his political goals. The puzzling question is, however, whether these political transactions, will in the long run, be worth it for Indonesia’s democratic progress.

    About the Author

    Emirza Adi Syailendra is a Research Analyst with the Indonesia Programme of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. This is the first in a series on the Jokowi presidency.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Country and Region Studies

    Popular Links

    About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

    Connect with Us

    rsis.ntu
    rsis_ntu
    rsisntu
    rsisvideocast
    school/rsis-ntu
    rsis.sg
    rsissg
    RSIS
    RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    Getting to RSIS

    Nanyang Technological University
    Block S4, Level B3,
    50 Nanyang Avenue,
    Singapore 639798

    Click here for direction to RSIS

    Get in Touch

      Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
      Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
      Help us improve

        Rate your experience with this website
        123456
        Not satisfiedVery satisfied
        What did you like?
        0/255 characters
        What can be improved?
        0/255 characters
        Your email
        Please enter a valid email.
        Thank you for your feedback.
        This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
        OK
        Latest Book
        more info