Back
About RSIS
Introduction
Building the Foundations
Welcome Message
Board of Governors
Staff Profiles
Executive Deputy Chairman’s Office
Dean’s Office
Management
Distinguished Fellows
Faculty and Research
Associate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research Analysts
Visiting Fellows
Adjunct Fellows
Administrative Staff
Honours and Awards for RSIS Staff and Students
RSIS Endowment Fund
Endowed Professorships
Career Opportunities
Getting to RSIS
Research
Research Centres
Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)
Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)
Centre of Excellence for National Security
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)
International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
Research Programmes
National Security Studies Programme (NSSP)
Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)
Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
Other Research
Future Issues and Technology Cluster
Research@RSIS
Science and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
Graduate Education
Graduate Programmes Office
Exchange Partners and Programmes
How to Apply
Financial Assistance
Meet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other events
RSIS Alumni
Outreach
Global Networks
About Global Networks
RSIS Alumni
Executive Education
About Executive Education
SRP Executive Programme
Terrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
International Programmes
About International Programmes
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)
Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)
International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)
International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
Publications
RSIS Publications
Annual Reviews
Books
Bulletins and Newsletters
RSIS Commentary Series
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Commemorative / Event Reports
Future Issues
IDSS Papers
Interreligious Relations
Monographs
NTS Insight
Policy Reports
Working Papers
External Publications
Authored Books
Journal Articles
Edited Books
Chapters in Edited Books
Policy Reports
Working Papers
Op-Eds
Glossary of Abbreviations
Policy-relevant Articles Given RSIS Award
RSIS Publications for the Year
External Publications for the Year
Media
Cohesive Societies
Sustainable Security
Other Resource Pages
News Releases
Speeches
Video/Audio Channel
External Podcasts
Events
Contact Us
S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Think Tank and Graduate School Ponder The Improbable Since 1966
Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Technological University
  • About RSIS
      IntroductionBuilding the FoundationsWelcome MessageBoard of GovernorsHonours and Awards for RSIS Staff and StudentsRSIS Endowment FundEndowed ProfessorshipsCareer OpportunitiesGetting to RSIS
      Staff ProfilesExecutive Deputy Chairman’s OfficeDean’s OfficeManagementDistinguished FellowsFaculty and ResearchAssociate Research Fellows, Senior Analysts and Research AnalystsVisiting FellowsAdjunct FellowsAdministrative Staff
  • Research
      Research CentresCentre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS)Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies (NTS Centre)Centre of Excellence for National SecurityInstitute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)
      Research ProgrammesNational Security Studies Programme (NSSP)Social Cohesion Research Programme (SCRP)Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies (SRP) Programme
      Other ResearchFuture Issues and Technology ClusterResearch@RSISScience and Technology Studies Programme (STSP) (2017-2020)
  • Graduate Education
      Graduate Programmes OfficeExchange Partners and ProgrammesHow to ApplyFinancial AssistanceMeet the Admissions Team: Information Sessions and other eventsRSIS Alumni
  • Outreach
      Global NetworksAbout Global NetworksRSIS Alumni
      Executive EducationAbout Executive EducationSRP Executive ProgrammeTerrorism Analyst Training Course (TATC)
      International ProgrammesAbout International ProgrammesAsia-Pacific Programme for Senior Military Officers (APPSMO)Asia-Pacific Programme for Senior National Security Officers (APPSNO)International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS)International Strategy Forum-Asia (ISF-Asia)
  • Publications
      RSIS PublicationsAnnual ReviewsBooksBulletins and NewslettersRSIS Commentary SeriesCounter Terrorist Trends and AnalysesCommemorative / Event ReportsFuture IssuesIDSS PapersInterreligious RelationsMonographsNTS InsightPolicy ReportsWorking Papers
      External PublicationsAuthored BooksJournal ArticlesEdited BooksChapters in Edited BooksPolicy ReportsWorking PapersOp-Eds
      Glossary of AbbreviationsPolicy-relevant Articles Given RSIS AwardRSIS Publications for the YearExternal Publications for the Year
  • Media
      Cohesive SocietiesSustainable SecurityOther Resource PagesNews ReleasesSpeechesVideo/Audio ChannelExternal Podcasts
  • Events
  • Contact Us
    • Connect with Us

      rsis.ntu
      rsis_ntu
      rsisntu
      rsisvideocast
      school/rsis-ntu
      rsis.sg
      rsissg
      RSIS
      RSS
      Subscribe to RSIS Publications
      Subscribe to RSIS Events

      Getting to RSIS

      Nanyang Technological University
      Block S4, Level B3,
      50 Nanyang Avenue,
      Singapore 639798

      Click here for direction to RSIS

      Get in Touch

    Connect
    Search
    • RSIS
    • Publication
    • RSIS Publications
    • The South China Sea Disputes: Makings of a New Cold War?
    • Annual Reviews
    • Books
    • Bulletins and Newsletters
    • RSIS Commentary Series
    • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
    • Commemorative / Event Reports
    • Future Issues
    • IDSS Papers
    • Interreligious Relations
    • Monographs
    • NTS Insight
    • Policy Reports
    • Working Papers

    CO18209 | The South China Sea Disputes: Makings of a New Cold War?
    KB Teo

    07 December 2018

    download pdf

    Synopsis

    Tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) have somewhat abated but the latent flashpoint remains. In mid-October 2018, a near collision took place between an American and Chinese warship. The US has attacked Beijing’s expansionism. In September 2018, Japan conducted its first-ever submarine drills in the waters. If the dispute escalates, ASEAN will not be able to avoid the negative fallout.

    Commentary

    DESPITE PROTESTS from China to the 2016 international arbitral ruling against its territorial claim, tensions in the South China Sea have been somewhat abating. But the South China Sea waters remain a flashpoint. In mid-October 2018, a near collision took place between the USS Decatur and the Chinese warship the Lanzou.

    The Decatur was conducting a Freedom of Navigation Operation (FONOP), asserting the right of free passage through international waterways. The Lanzou was asserting Beijing’s sovereignty claim over the South China Sea. In a speech at the Hudson Institute on 4 October 2018, US Vice President Mike Pence launched a ferocious attack against Beijing’s foreign policy of “authoritarian expansion” and “intimidation”.

    Assessing the Powers’ Influence over SCS

    The overarching dominant actors influencing the state of peace and tensions in the South China Sea are China and the United States. Japan, a regional power, is emerging to be a player as well given Tokyo’s concern for its economic lifeline being affected by tensions in the regional waters.

    What are the goals of these three players in the South China Sea?

    China’s Game

    China’s goal is to gain dominance of the South China Sea. This would give it two advantages. One, control over the vast oil, gas, and fisheries resources there. This would help to boost China’s annual economic growth rate, which has slowed from 10% (after Deng Xiaoping’s Open Door Policy 40 years ago) to the current 6.5%. An estimated one-third of annual global shipping passes through the South China Sea.

    Two, it would restrict other rival powers’ access to the South China Sea. Since 2005, Beijing has been unilaterally “militarising the islands” in the Sea: placing long-range warplanes and missiles. President Xi appears to see the South China Sea as a “core interest” of China, as in the cases of Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet.

    In June 2018, President Xi told visiting US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis that China would not “withdraw even one inch from its ancestral land”. In effect, Beijing has formulated an Asian “Monroe Doctrine”. It is part of President Xi Jinping’s 2013 “China Dream”, which called for the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”.

    Xi’s Muscle Flexing?

    Xi has repeatedly exhorted the military to be ready “to fight and win wars under modern conditions”.  This is a reference to Beijing’s memories of China’s “Century of Humiliation” (1839-1949).

    Xi sees Washington as trying to contain China’s rise: the US has encircled China with its ring of alliances in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. China is keen to have good relations with the United States. Speaking at the November 2018 Canton Trade Fair, President Xi said that China would open up more for imports. A similar statement was made by Vice President Wang Qisan during his visit to Singapore in early November 2018.

    In November 2018, China and the US resumed high-level talks, ahead of the East Asia Summit (EAS) in Singapore, which concluded last week. Xi and President Trump met at the G20 Summit in Argentina in early-December 2018.  While they huddled over their trade dispute, the South China Sea did not seem to have featured in their talks.

    Japan’s Growing Interest

    Tokyo has no claim over the South China Sea. But Japan is deeply concerned about China’s behaviour in the waters. In November 2014, Beijing had unilaterally declared an Area Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over the East China Sea.

    All of Japan’s oil and gas imports pass through the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait. Chinese control of the South China Sea would threaten Japan’s economic lifeline. This is clearly unacceptable to Tokyo. There is a growing strategic rivalry between Japan and China. They have a maritime territorial dispute over the Senkakus/Diaoyus in the East China Sea.

    Japan has sold Coast Guard patrol ships to Vietnam and the Philippines. In October 2018, Japan sent its destroyers and conducted submarine drills in the South China Sea for the first time ever − to send a message to Beijing about its right of passage through international waterways. This is the same that Washington has been sending out to Beijing.

    But amid their growing economic interdependence, Japan and China are also keen to limit their rivalry. PM Shinzo Abe visited China in October 2018 to boost bilateral ties. It was the first such high-level visit in seven years.

    US Getting Tougher?

    Washington is strongly opposed to Beijing’s claim over the South China Sea.  In 2017, President Trump called China a “rival”, and a “peer competitor”. The US would not tolerate Beijing seeking hegemony. Defence Secretary Jim Mattis, speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June 2018, had demanded that Beijing stopped the militarisation of the South China Sea.

    He warned Beijing of unspecified “severe consequences”. Admiral Philip S. Davidson (Chief, Pacific Command) told the US Congress in October 2018 that the US had lost control of the South China Sea, short of war with China.

    Implications: The Makings of a New Cold War?

    China has taken a tough but pragmatic approach to the South China Sea disputes. There are no signs that Beijing would give up its claim. The result is a new Cold War between the two largest economies in the world.

    At the just concluded 33rd ASEAN Summit in Singapore, the South China Sea disputes were discussed. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong hoped that China-US relations would remain stable. ASEAN does not want to choose between the two superpowers.

    China and the US are the two biggest trading partners of the ASEAN states. But if Beijing and Washington escalate their conflict, ASEAN would not be able to escape the negative fallout: “When two elephants fight, the grass gets trampled”.

    At the just-ended APEC Summit that followed in Papua New Guinea, China-US differences on trade and security were again on display. The APEC Summit ended without a formal leaders’ statement due to China-US division over trade. But it is not just about trade. The US sees Beijing as trying to establish a Pax Sinica, to replace the existing Pax Americana. The result could be more than a new Cold War.

    About the Author

    KB Teo is a former diplomat who had previously served in the Singapore Embassy in Cairo and had worked in the private sector in banking. He graduated with a PhD in International Relations from the National University of Singapore.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Regionalism and Multilateralism / Country and Region Studies / Maritime Security / South Asia / Southeast Asia and ASEAN / Global / East Asia and Asia Pacific / Europe
    comments powered by Disqus

    Synopsis

    Tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) have somewhat abated but the latent flashpoint remains. In mid-October 2018, a near collision took place between an American and Chinese warship. The US has attacked Beijing’s expansionism. In September 2018, Japan conducted its first-ever submarine drills in the waters. If the dispute escalates, ASEAN will not be able to avoid the negative fallout.

    Commentary

    DESPITE PROTESTS from China to the 2016 international arbitral ruling against its territorial claim, tensions in the South China Sea have been somewhat abating. But the South China Sea waters remain a flashpoint. In mid-October 2018, a near collision took place between the USS Decatur and the Chinese warship the Lanzou.

    The Decatur was conducting a Freedom of Navigation Operation (FONOP), asserting the right of free passage through international waterways. The Lanzou was asserting Beijing’s sovereignty claim over the South China Sea. In a speech at the Hudson Institute on 4 October 2018, US Vice President Mike Pence launched a ferocious attack against Beijing’s foreign policy of “authoritarian expansion” and “intimidation”.

    Assessing the Powers’ Influence over SCS

    The overarching dominant actors influencing the state of peace and tensions in the South China Sea are China and the United States. Japan, a regional power, is emerging to be a player as well given Tokyo’s concern for its economic lifeline being affected by tensions in the regional waters.

    What are the goals of these three players in the South China Sea?

    China’s Game

    China’s goal is to gain dominance of the South China Sea. This would give it two advantages. One, control over the vast oil, gas, and fisheries resources there. This would help to boost China’s annual economic growth rate, which has slowed from 10% (after Deng Xiaoping’s Open Door Policy 40 years ago) to the current 6.5%. An estimated one-third of annual global shipping passes through the South China Sea.

    Two, it would restrict other rival powers’ access to the South China Sea. Since 2005, Beijing has been unilaterally “militarising the islands” in the Sea: placing long-range warplanes and missiles. President Xi appears to see the South China Sea as a “core interest” of China, as in the cases of Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet.

    In June 2018, President Xi told visiting US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis that China would not “withdraw even one inch from its ancestral land”. In effect, Beijing has formulated an Asian “Monroe Doctrine”. It is part of President Xi Jinping’s 2013 “China Dream”, which called for the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”.

    Xi’s Muscle Flexing?

    Xi has repeatedly exhorted the military to be ready “to fight and win wars under modern conditions”.  This is a reference to Beijing’s memories of China’s “Century of Humiliation” (1839-1949).

    Xi sees Washington as trying to contain China’s rise: the US has encircled China with its ring of alliances in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. China is keen to have good relations with the United States. Speaking at the November 2018 Canton Trade Fair, President Xi said that China would open up more for imports. A similar statement was made by Vice President Wang Qisan during his visit to Singapore in early November 2018.

    In November 2018, China and the US resumed high-level talks, ahead of the East Asia Summit (EAS) in Singapore, which concluded last week. Xi and President Trump met at the G20 Summit in Argentina in early-December 2018.  While they huddled over their trade dispute, the South China Sea did not seem to have featured in their talks.

    Japan’s Growing Interest

    Tokyo has no claim over the South China Sea. But Japan is deeply concerned about China’s behaviour in the waters. In November 2014, Beijing had unilaterally declared an Area Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over the East China Sea.

    All of Japan’s oil and gas imports pass through the South China Sea and the Malacca Strait. Chinese control of the South China Sea would threaten Japan’s economic lifeline. This is clearly unacceptable to Tokyo. There is a growing strategic rivalry between Japan and China. They have a maritime territorial dispute over the Senkakus/Diaoyus in the East China Sea.

    Japan has sold Coast Guard patrol ships to Vietnam and the Philippines. In October 2018, Japan sent its destroyers and conducted submarine drills in the South China Sea for the first time ever − to send a message to Beijing about its right of passage through international waterways. This is the same that Washington has been sending out to Beijing.

    But amid their growing economic interdependence, Japan and China are also keen to limit their rivalry. PM Shinzo Abe visited China in October 2018 to boost bilateral ties. It was the first such high-level visit in seven years.

    US Getting Tougher?

    Washington is strongly opposed to Beijing’s claim over the South China Sea.  In 2017, President Trump called China a “rival”, and a “peer competitor”. The US would not tolerate Beijing seeking hegemony. Defence Secretary Jim Mattis, speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June 2018, had demanded that Beijing stopped the militarisation of the South China Sea.

    He warned Beijing of unspecified “severe consequences”. Admiral Philip S. Davidson (Chief, Pacific Command) told the US Congress in October 2018 that the US had lost control of the South China Sea, short of war with China.

    Implications: The Makings of a New Cold War?

    China has taken a tough but pragmatic approach to the South China Sea disputes. There are no signs that Beijing would give up its claim. The result is a new Cold War between the two largest economies in the world.

    At the just concluded 33rd ASEAN Summit in Singapore, the South China Sea disputes were discussed. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong hoped that China-US relations would remain stable. ASEAN does not want to choose between the two superpowers.

    China and the US are the two biggest trading partners of the ASEAN states. But if Beijing and Washington escalate their conflict, ASEAN would not be able to escape the negative fallout: “When two elephants fight, the grass gets trampled”.

    At the just-ended APEC Summit that followed in Papua New Guinea, China-US differences on trade and security were again on display. The APEC Summit ended without a formal leaders’ statement due to China-US division over trade. But it is not just about trade. The US sees Beijing as trying to establish a Pax Sinica, to replace the existing Pax Americana. The result could be more than a new Cold War.

    About the Author

    KB Teo is a former diplomat who had previously served in the Singapore Embassy in Cairo and had worked in the private sector in banking. He graduated with a PhD in International Relations from the National University of Singapore.

    Categories: RSIS Commentary Series / Regionalism and Multilateralism / Country and Region Studies / Maritime Security

    Popular Links

    About RSISResearch ProgrammesGraduate EducationPublicationsEventsAdmissionsCareersVideo/Audio ChannelRSIS Intranet

    Connect with Us

    rsis.ntu
    rsis_ntu
    rsisntu
    rsisvideocast
    school/rsis-ntu
    rsis.sg
    rsissg
    RSIS
    RSS
    Subscribe to RSIS Publications
    Subscribe to RSIS Events

    Getting to RSIS

    Nanyang Technological University
    Block S4, Level B3,
    50 Nanyang Avenue,
    Singapore 639798

    Click here for direction to RSIS

    Get in Touch

      Copyright © S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. All rights reserved.
      Privacy Statement / Terms of Use
      Help us improve

        Rate your experience with this website
        123456
        Not satisfiedVery satisfied
        What did you like?
        0/255 characters
        What can be improved?
        0/255 characters
        Your email
        Please enter a valid email.
        Thank you for your feedback.
        This site uses cookies to offer you a better browsing experience. By continuing, you are agreeing to the use of cookies on your device as described in our privacy policy. Learn more
        OK
        Latest Book
        more info